Kärlek

To do.

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BCX835

Jag gjorde något otroligt dumt häromdagen. Utan att gå in på misstaget i detalj – som givetvis inbegriper hög hastighet, en hårnålskurva och min älskade motorcykel – kan jag glädjas åt att det slutade lyckligt.

Men tillvarons skira bräcklighet lyste mig i ögonen tillräckligt många sekunder för att etsa fast en tanke – en tanke kring olika saker man bör göra innan man highside:ar över floden Styx.

Jag tror att alla borde bli bättre på att visa sina medmänniskor uppskattning. Redan innan denna episod har jag bemödat mig om att ringa upp folk som jag tycker har gjort något bra – emellanåt lite styltiga eller tillknäppta samtal: -”Hej, det är Morris, ringer bara för att säga att jag tyckte din grej var bra…”.

Kruxet är att det inte riktigt räcker. Det finns de som jag vill visa min uppskattning för som inte gör uppenbara, påtagliga saker. Utan bara för att de är. Och gör (eller ibland inte gör!) det de ska.

Får helt enkelt börja twittra hämningslöst och ostrukturerat om att jag älskar en massa folk…

Uppdatering: För att förtydliga, inget hände vare sig med mig eller motorcykeln – det var bara väldigt nära. Kortversion: Morris gör något korkat – klarar sig med en hårsmån genom ren tur. Inser värdet att tala om för alla som han gillar att han gillar dem.

Är jag en bättre pappa i text?

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Jag är pappa till två tonåringar. Och även om de tvivlar på det emellanåt är det dem jag älskar mest på planeten. Men det vore lögn att säga att vi har en enkel harmonisk relation – vi bråkar både högljutt och “lågintensivt”. För er som inte har barn kan jag berätta något som, åtminstone jag, absolut inte var beredd på – att ens egna barn kan vara totalt olika till personlighet och sätt. Vilket i sin tur leder till att man hela tiden försöker hantera dem lika – med nyansen att man måste justera sig beroende på vem man i ett givet ögonblick försöker påverka.
Det går sådär. Och min självbild som pappa får sig ohyggliga törnar dagligen. Vad värre är, är att jag oftast hatar mig själv för min oförmåga att hantera saker bättre. Själv drömmer jag om att mina barn ska uppfatta mig som salomoiskt rättvis och “sträng-med-en-humoristisk-vinkel”, men tyvärr faller mina pedagogiska skämt platt till marken likt blyklumpar och min “rättvisa” ter sig som repression.
Nu när barnen är tonåringar blir den samlade känsloladdningen oftast så stor att vi inte hinner komma fram till själva sakfrågan innan jag eller någon av dem har kreverat av ilska – med efterföljande kalabalik. Tärande för alla inblandade, dysfunktionellt och rent ut sagt – för djävligt.
Men, efter att ha haft hela Norden som operationsområde och utgått från Vejbystrand som stationeringsort, har jag sedan lite mer än ett par månader veckopendlat till Stockholm. Tidigare har jag med en dåres envishet alltid åkt hem oavsett om jag varit i Stockholm, Köpenhamn, Malmö, Kristianstad eller Oslo på möten. Nu åker jag tunnelbana till Gamla stan.
Jamfört med tidigare träffar jag barnen nästan inte alls. Vilket känns fel. Och samtidigt har en ny relation vuxit fram. Sms med sonen, och sms+Skype-chatt med dottern. Visst, vi har tok-sms:at ända sedan jag utrustade barnen med mobiler i unga år, men jag upptäcker till min förvåning att vi den senaste tiden har “hanterat” svårare och svårare frågor över sms/chatt.
Med bättre och bättre resultat.
Vilket öppnar för en spännande och skrämmande fråga: Är jag en bättre pappa i text?

Jag är pappa till två tonåringar. Och även om de tvivlar på det emellanåt är det dem jag älskar mest på planeten. Men det vore lögn att säga att vi har en enkel harmonisk relation – vi bråkar både högljutt och “lågintensivt”. För er som inte har barn kan jag berätta något som, åtminstone jag, absolut inte var beredd på – att ens egna barn kan vara totalt olika till personlighet och sätt. Vilket i sin tur leder till att man hela tiden försöker hantera dem lika – med nyansen att man måste justera sig beroende på vem man i ett givet ögonblick försöker påverka.

Det går sådär. Och min självbild som pappa får sig ohyggliga törnar dagligen. Vad värre är, är att jag oftast hatar mig själv för min oförmåga att hantera saker bättre. Själv drömmer jag om att mina barn ska uppfatta mig som salomoiskt rättvis och “sträng-med-en-humoristisk-vinkel”, men tyvärr faller mina pedagogiska skämt platt till marken likt blyklumpar och min “rättvisa” ter sig som repression.

Nu när barnen är tonåringar blir den samlade känsloladdningen oftast så stor att vi inte hinner komma fram till själva sakfrågan innan jag eller någon av dem har kreverat av ilska – med efterföljande kalabalik. Tärande för alla inblandade, dysfunktionellt och rent ut sagt – för djävligt.

Men, efter att ha haft hela Norden som operationsområde och utgått från Vejbystrand som stationeringsort, har jag sedan lite mer än ett par månader veckopendlat till Stockholm. Tidigare har jag med en dåres envishet alltid åkt hem oavsett om jag varit i Stockholm, Köpenhamn, Malmö, Kristianstad eller Oslo på möten. Nu åker jag tunnelbana till Gamla stan.

Jamfört med tidigare träffar jag barnen nästan inte alls. Vilket känns fel. Och samtidigt har en ny relation vuxit fram. Sms med sonen, och sms+Skype-chatt med dottern. Visst, vi har tok-sms:at ända sedan jag utrustade barnen med mobiler i unga år, men jag upptäcker till min förvåning att vi den senaste tiden har “hanterat” svårare och svårare frågor över sms/chatt.

Med bättre och bättre resultat.

Vilket öppnar för en spännande och skrämmande fråga:
Är jag en bättre pappa i text?

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON A NEW BEGINNING

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PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much.  Good afternoon.  I am honored  to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.  For  over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a  century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt’s advancement.  And together, you  represent the harmony between tradition and progress.  I’m grateful for your hospitality,  and the hospitality of the people of Egypt.  And I’m also proud to carry with me the  goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in  my country:  Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.) 

 We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the  world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate.  The  relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and  cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars.  More recently, tension has been fed by  colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in  which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their  own aspirations.  Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization  led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam. 

 Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of  Muslims.  The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these  extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view  Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human  rights.  All this has bred more fear and more mistrust. 

 So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who  sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that  can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity.  And this cycle of suspicion and  discord must end. 

 

I’ve come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims  around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon  the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.   Instead, they overlap, and share common principles — principles of justice and progress;  tolerance and the dignity of all human beings. 

 

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight.  I know there’s been a lot of  publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I  answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to  this point.  But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each  other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed  doors.  There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other;  to respect one another; and to seek common ground.  As the Holy Koran tells us, “Be  conscious of God and speak always the truth.”  (Applause.)  That is what I will try to do  today — to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my  belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces  that drive us apart. 

 

Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I’m a Christian, but my  father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims.  As a boy, I  spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and  at the fall of dusk.  As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many  found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. 

 

As a student of history, I also know civilization’s debt to Islam.  It was Islam — at places  like Al-Azhar — that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the  way for Europe’s Renaissance and Enlightenment.  It was innovation in Muslim  communities — (applause) — it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the  order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and  printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed.  Islamic  culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished  music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation.  And throughout  history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious  tolerance and racial equality.  (Applause.) 

 

I also know that Islam has always been a part of America’s story.  The first nation to  recognize my country was Morocco.  In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second  President, John Adams, wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity  against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.”  And since our founding, American  Muslims have enriched the United States.  They have fought in our wars, they have  served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses,  they have taught at our universities, they’ve excelled in our sports arenas, they’ve won  Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch.  And when the first  Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our  Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers — Thomas  Jefferson — kept in his personal library.  (Applause.) 

 

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first  revealed.  That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and  Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn’t.  And I consider it part of my  responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of  Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.) 

 

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America.  (Applause.)  Just  as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-  interested empire.  The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that  the world has ever known.  We were born out of revolution against an empire.  We were  founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled  for centuries to give meaning to those words — within our borders, and around the world.   We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a  simple concept:  E pluribus unum — “Out of many, one.”    

 

Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack  Hussein Obama could be elected President.  (Applause.)  But my personal story is not so  unique.  The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in  America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores — and that includes nearly  7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and  educational levels that are higher than the American average.  (Applause.) 

 

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one’s religion.   That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within  our borders.  That’s why the United States government has gone to court to protect the  right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.   (Applause.) 

 

So let there be no doubt:  Islam is a part of America.  And I believe that America holds  within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share  common aspirations — to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with  dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God.  These things we share.   This is the hope of all humanity. 

 

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task.  Words  alone cannot meet the needs of our people.  These needs will be met only if we act boldly  in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our  failure to meet them will hurt us all. 

 

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one  country, prosperity is hurt everywhere.  When a new flu infects one human being, all are  at risk.  When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all  nations.  When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are  endangered across an ocean.  When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that  is a stain on our collective conscience.  (Applause.)  That is what it means to share this  world in the 21st century.  That is the responsibility we have to one another as human  beings. 

 

And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace.  For human history has often been a  record of nations and tribes — and, yes, religions — subjugating one another in pursuit of  their own interests.  Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating.  Given our  interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over  another will inevitably fail.  So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners  to it.  Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared.   (Applause.) 

 

Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the  opposite:  We must face these tensions squarely.  And so in that spirit, let me speak as  clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally  confront together.  

 

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms. 

 

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not — and never will be — at war with Islam.   (Applause.)  We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave  threat to our security — because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject:   the killing of innocent men, women, and children.  And it is my first duty as President to  protect the American people. 

 

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America’s goals, and our need to work  together.  Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with  broad international support.  We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I’m  aware that there’s still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11.  But  let us be clear:  Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.  The victims were  innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done  nothing to harm anybody.  And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people,  claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive  scale.  They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.  These  are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with. 

 

Now, make no mistake:  We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan.  We see no  military — we seek no military bases there.  It is agonizing for America to lose our young  men and women.  It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.  We would  gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were  not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many  Americans as they possibly can.  But that is not yet the case. 

 

And that’s why we’re partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.  And despite the costs  involved, America’s commitment will not weaken.  Indeed, none of us should tolerate  these extremists.  They have killed in many countries.  They have killed people of  different faiths — but more than any other, they have killed Muslims.  Their actions are  irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.   The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as — it is as if he has killed all  mankind.  (Applause.)  And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if  he has saved all mankind.  (Applause.)  The enduring faith of over a billion people is so  much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in  combating violent extremism — it is an important part of promoting peace.  

 

Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in  Afghanistan and Pakistan.  That’s why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the  next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and  businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who’ve been displaced.  That’s why we  are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver  services that people depend on. 

 

Let me also address the issue of Iraq.  Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that  provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.  Although I believe that  the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also  believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build  international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.  (Applause.)  Indeed,  we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said:  ”I hope that our wisdom will  grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be.” 

 

Today, America has a dual responsibility:  to help Iraq forge a better future — and to  leave Iraq to Iraqis.  And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people — (applause) — I have  made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory  or resources.  Iraq’s sovereignty is its own. And that’s why I ordered the removal of our  combat brigades by next August.  That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq’s  democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July,  and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.  (Applause.)  We will help Iraq train  its security forces and develop its economy.  But we will support a secure and united Iraq  as a partner, and never as a patron. 

 

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never  alter or forget our principles.  Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country.  The  fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act  contrary to our traditions and our ideals.  We are taking concrete actions to change  course.  I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I  have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.  (Applause.) 

 

So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.   And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.   The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the  sooner we will all be safer. 

 

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between  Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. 

 

America’s strong bonds with Israel are well known.  This bond is unbreakable.  It is based  upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish  homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied. 

 

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in  Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.  Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald,  which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and  gassed to death by the Third Reich.  Six million Jews were killed — more than the entire  Jewish population of Israel today.  Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is  hateful.  Threatening Israel with destruction — or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews —  is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of  memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve. 

 

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and  Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland.  For more than 60 years they’ve  endured the pain of dislocation.  Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza,  and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to  lead.  They endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with occupation.   So let there be no doubt:  The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.  And  America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity,  opportunity, and a state of their own.  (Applause.) 

 

For decades then, there has been a stalemate:  two peoples with legitimate aspirations,  each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive.  It’s easy to point fingers —  for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel’s founding, and for  Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its  borders as well as beyond.  But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other,  then we will be blind to the truth:  The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides  to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and  security.  (Applause.) 

 

That is in Israel’s interest, Palestine’s interest, America’s interest, and the world’s interest.   And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and  dedication that the task requires.  (Applause.)  The obligations — the obligations that the  parties have agreed to under the road map are clear.  For peace to come, it is time for  them — and all of us — to live up to our responsibilities. 

 

Palestinians must abandon violence.  Resistance through violence and killing is wrong  and it does not succeed.  For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the  whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation.  But it was not violence that won full  and equal rights.  It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center  of America’s founding.  This same story can be told by people from South Africa to  South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia.  It’s a story with a simple truth:  that  violence is a dead end.  It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at  sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus.  That’s not how moral authority is  claimed; that’s how it is surrendered. 

 

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build.  The Palestinian  Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its  people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to  recognize they have responsibilities.  To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to  unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past  agreements, recognize Israel’s right to exist. 

 

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel’s right to exist cannot be  denied, neither can Palestine’s.  The United States does not accept the legitimacy of  continued Israeli settlements.  (Applause.)  This construction violates previous  agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace.  It is time for these settlements to  stop.  (Applause.) 

 

And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work  and develop their society.  Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing  humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel’s security; neither does the continuing  lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people  must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable  such progress.  

 

And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an  important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities.  The Arab-Israeli conflict  should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.   Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the  institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel’s legitimacy, and to choose  progress over a self-defeating focus on the past. 

 

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public  what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs.  (Applause.)  We cannot  impose peace.  But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.   Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state.  It is time for us to act  on what everyone knows to be true. 

 

Too many tears have been shed.  Too much blood has been shed.  All of us have a  responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see  their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the  place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home  for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to  mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra — (applause) — as in the story of Isra,  when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer.  (Applause.) 

 

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of  nations on nuclear weapons. 

 

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic  Republic of Iran.  For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my  country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us.  In the middle of the Cold  War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian  government.  Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-  taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians.  This history is well known.  Rather  than remain trapped in the past, I’ve made it clear to Iran’s leaders and people that my  country is prepared to move forward.  The question now is not what Iran is against, but  rather what future it wants to build. 

 

I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with  courage, rectitude, and resolve.  There will be many issues to discuss between our two  countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of  mutual respect.  But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons,  we have reached a decisive point.  This is not simply about America’s interests.  It’s about  preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the  world down a hugely dangerous path. 

 

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not.  No  single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons.  And that’s  why I strongly reaffirmed America’s commitment to seek a world in which no nations  hold nuclear weapons.  (Applause.)  And any nation — including Iran — should have the  right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the  nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.  That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it  must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I’m hopeful that all countries in the region  can share in this goal. 

 

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.  (Applause.) 

 

I know — I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent  years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq.  So let me be clear:  No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other. 

 

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the  people.  Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions  of its own people.  America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as  we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.  But I do have an  unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things:  the ability to speak your mind  and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal  administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from the  people; the freedom to live as you choose.  These are not just American ideas; they are  human rights.  And that is why we will support them everywhere.  (Applause.) 

 

Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise.  But this much is clear:   Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.   Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.  America respects the right of  all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree  with them.  And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments — provided they  govern with respect for all their people. 

 

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only  when they’re out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of  others.  (Applause.)  So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by  the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power:  You must maintain your  power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and  participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your  people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.  Without  these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy. 

 

AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Barack Obama, we love you! 

 

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you.  (Applause.)  The fifth issue that we must address  together is religious freedom. 

 

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance.  We see it in the history of Andalusia and  Cordoba during the Inquisition.  I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout  Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country.  That is the spirit we  need today.  People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based  upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul.  This tolerance is essential for  religion to thrive, but it’s being challenged in many different ways. 

 

Among some Muslims, there’s a disturbing tendency to measure one’s own faith by the  rejection of somebody else’s faith.  The richness of religious diversity must be upheld —  whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt.  (Applause.)  And if we are  being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions  between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq. 

 

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together.  We must always  examine the ways in which we protect it.  For instance, in the United States, rules on  charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.   That’s why I’m committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can  fulfill zakat.  

 

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from  practicing religion as they see fit — for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim  woman should wear.  We can’t disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence  of liberalism. 

 

In fact, faith should bring us together.  And that’s why we’re forging service projects in  America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews.  That’s why we welcome  efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah’s interfaith dialogue and Turkey’s leadership in  the Alliance of Civilizations.  Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith  service, so bridges between peoples lead to action — whether it is combating malaria in  Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.  

 

The sixth issue — the sixth issue that I want to address is women’s rights.  (Applause.)  I  know –- I know — and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about  this issue.  I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her  hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is  denied equality.  (Applause.)  And it is no coincidence that countries where women are  well educated are far more likely to be prosperous. 

 

Now, let me be clear:  Issues of women’s equality are by no means simply an issue for  Islam.  In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we’ve seen Muslim-majority  countries elect a woman to lead.  Meanwhile, the struggle for women’s equality continues  in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world. 

 

I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.   (Applause.)  Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity — men  and women — to reach their full potential.  I do not believe that women must make the  same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live  their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice.  And that is why the United  States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for  girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps  people live their dreams.  (Applause.) 

 

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity. 

 

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory.  The Internet and  television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and  mindless violence into the home.  Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also  huge disruptions and change in communities.  In all nations — including America — this  change can bring fear.  Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic  choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities — those things we most cherish  about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.  

 

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied.  There need not be contradictions  between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their  economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures.  The same is true for the  astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.  In  ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of  innovation and education. 

 

And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what  comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.   Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are  beginning to focus it on broader development.  But all of us must recognize that  education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century — (applause) — and in  too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas.  I’m  emphasizing such investment within my own country.  And while America in the past has  focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader  engagement. 

 

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one  that brought my father to America.  (Applause.)  At the same time, we will encourage  more Americans to study in Muslim communities.  And we will match promising Muslim  students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children  around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can  communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo. 

 

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner  with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries.  And I will host a Summit on  Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders,  foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities  around the world. 

 

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological  development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace  so they can create more jobs.  We’ll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the  Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on  programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean  water, grow new crops.  Today I’m announcing a new global effort with the Organization  of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio.  And we will also expand partnerships with  Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health. 

 

All these things must be done in partnership.  Americans are ready to join with citizens  and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim  communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life. 

 

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.  But we have a responsibility  to join together on behalf of the world that we seek — a world where extremists no longer  threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and  Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for  peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all  God’s children are respected.  Those are mutual interests.  That is the world we seek.  But  we can only achieve it together. 

 

I know there are many — Muslim and non-Muslim — who question whether we can forge  this new beginning.  Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the  way of progress.  Some suggest that it isn’t worth the effort — that we are fated to  disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real  change can occur.  There’s so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the  years.  But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.  And I  want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country — you, more  than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world. 

 

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we  spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an  effort — a sustained effort — to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for  our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings. 

 

It’s easier to start wars than to end them.  It’s easier to blame others than to look inward.   It’s easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share.  But we  should choose the right path, not just the easy path.  There’s one rule that lies at the heart  of every religion — that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.   (Applause.)  This truth transcends nations and peoples — a belief that isn’t new; that isn’t  black or white or brown; that isn’t Christian or Muslim or Jew.  It’s a belief that pulsed in  the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world.  It’s  a faith in other people, and it’s what brought me here today. 

 

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a  new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written. 

 

The Holy Koran tells us:  ”O mankind!  We have created you male and a female; and we  have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another.” 

 

The Talmud tells us:  ”The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace.” 

 

The Holy Bible tells us:  ”Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of  God.”  (Applause.) 

 

The people of the world can live together in peace.  We know that is God’s vision.  Now  that must be our work here on Earth. 

 

Thank you.  And may God’s peace be upon you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you.   (Applause.) 

END           2:05 P.M. (Local)

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